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P.V. Indiresan and N.C. Nigam, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi
[ to be published by OUP for the World Bank]
A country that trains its engineers and technologists well,
then rewards them with both real and psychic income, should
have little trouble competing in a world economy that thrives
on trading high quality, high tech products over international
boundaries.
- Donald Christiansen [1]
1. Introduction
The five Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), located at
Kharagpur, Bombay, Madras, Kanpur and Delhi, are unique in many
respects. Conceived in Mid-40's as a chain of new institutions, IITs
were set up during the period 1951-63, under an Act (1961, 63) of the
Parliament. In the words of the late Prime Minister Pandit Nehru IITs
were expected - "to provide scientists and technologists of the
highest calibre who would engage in research, design and development
to help building the nation towards self-reliance in her technological
needs". [2] Further IITs were planned to provide a major departure
from the prevalent methods of instruction and pattern of control in
the existing technical institutions in India. As a system, IITs have
many distinguishing features. These include:
(i) A common origin in the recommendations of the Sarkar Committee
(1946), [3] and a common vision to set up a chain of "MIT type"
institutions in India.
(ii) A common Act, the President of India as the Visitor of each
Institute, and the IIT Council, chaired by Minister in charge
of Technical Education, which acts as the apex body
responsible for laying down broad policy guidelines for the
IIT system.
(iii)Administrative and academic autonomy vested, respectively, in
the Board and the Senate of each Institute. Notable departures
from the traditional set up of universities in India are: (a)
the membership on these bodies does not include Government
officials and politicians, (b) Chairman of the Board is
nominated by the Visitor, and (c) the Director of an IIT has
less powers than a Vice-Chancellor in a University.
(iv) Technical assistances and collaboration in the initial phase
of development with some of the foremost institutions in USSR
(Bombay), Germany (Madras), USA (Kanpur) and U.K. (Delhi)
representing distinct systems of technical education.
(v) A system of periodic review by a high level Committee
appointed by the Visitor.
Over the period of more than three decades since the IIT- system
came into existence, it has established a world-wide reputation for
excellence in undergraduate engineering education [4] and faculty
research. While the academic programmes offered by different IITs
differ in details, and there are significant variations in their
traditions and conventions reflecting their initial and evolutionary
environments, a distinct `IIT-spirit' has come to be recognised as the
hall-mark of the IIT-system. Key features of the `IIT-spirit' are:
(i) An undergraduate curriculum which places a strong emphasis on
understanding of fundamental principles rather than
specialised knowledge. The professional programme - built on
the strong foundation of a Core Programme consisting of
courses in sciences, humanities, technical-arts and
engineering sciences and characterised by flexibility and
autonomy to change and update the curricula.
(ii) A postgraduate programme, larger in size to undergraduate
programme, and distinguished by its interdisciplinary approach
and emphasis on research.
(iii)A composition student body selected, on an all-India basis
through an exercise of free-choice by the students based on
their merit in Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) and Graduate
Aptitude Test Examination (GATE). JEE has come to be
recognised as the most credible and competitive entrance
examination in the world, selecting for the IIT- system an
outstanding undergraduate student body.
(iv) A formidable faculty resource with educational, teaching and
research experience in some of the leading academic and
research institutions in the world; and enjoying the freedom
to plan and implement teaching and research programmes
according to their own perceptions.
(v) An open decentralized system of administration - a departure
from traditional university type hierarchy common in India.
(vi) Adequate financial support to establish and maintain a
state-of-the-art basic infrastructure consisting of: teaching
and research laboratories, library, computing environment,
workshops etc., and other institutional and residential
facilities on a modern campus.
IIT experience represents a major innovative and novel reform in
higher technical education in India, encompassing curricular,
institutional and public policy issues. While the achievements of the
IIT-system are considerable, it has faced criticism on issues, such
as, high cost of technical education, brain-drain, urban and elitistic
orientation, and inadequate interaction with industry. To quote the
IIT Review Committee Report, 1986, [2]
"One cannot, however, overlook the fact that output from the
IITs may not have been commensurate with the inputs and
expectations. One can question the degree of impact of IITs on
national, industrial, economic and social development, on
their attaining excellence and leadership in research and
education and in motivating the students and teachers to be
pioneers and job-generators. Of late, there are indications
that the undergraduate programmes themselves tend to be less
flexible than originally envisaged. Experimental research and
design and fabrication of sophisticated instruments are on the
decline. IITs do not seem to be able to motivate the students
and teachers sufficiently in regard to their commitment to the
nation to give their best and to achieve excellence."
Questions have been raised as to why IITs should be supported so
generously? Is their output commensurate with the inputs? Have they
developed into self-serving elitist institutions? Should their
academic and research programme be tailored to meet the present needs
of the local industries? Should the teaching programmes be designed to
accommodate the abilities of the academically disadvantaged students?
Over the years, IIT system has faced problems and difficulties in
sustaining its commitment to excellence, and in discharging its role
as a group of pace-setting institutions.
A critical analysis and evaluation of the IIT system specially the
reforms and the innovations introduced by it, is important for higher
education in India, and may be of particular interest to the third
world nations. With this in view, following issues have been
identified for analytic attention in this paper:
(i) The academic innovations in IITs - in particular the extent to
which the vision of "MIT type" institutions has been realised,
and the extent to which the reforms introduced in the IITs
have succeeded in catering to the special needs of India and
the regions in which they are located.
(ii) The impact of IITs on technical education, industrial and
national development.
(iii)The role of foreign assistance in the growth of IITs - in
particular, whether alternate models of education did actually
develop and how they have evolved over the past three decades.
(iv) Student costs and brain-drain.
(v) Reservation for scheduled caste (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST)
students.
(vi) Problems, concerns and the future.
A historical perspective on IITs is included at the beginning of
the paper to provide a backdrop for the analysis. In the debate,
during mid-40's, regarding the setting up of IITs, two questions had
dominated the discussion: (i) Is India expected to be ready for a
chain of "MIT type" institutions?, Is the MIT model suited to indian
needs?, Is it feasible?, and (ii) Should India set up new
institutions, or upgrade the existing institutions? These questions
are raised often in india, and elsewhere, whenever a new institution
is proposed, and are examined at the end of the paper.
2. The Origin of the IITs
In March, 1946, a committee headed by N.R. Sarkar submitted an
interim report on the "Development of higher technical institution of
India" [3]. This report, popularly known as the Sarkar Committee
report, led to the establishment of the Indian Institutes of
Technology and became the basis for one of the most successful systems
of higher education in India. The main recommendations of the Sarkar
Committee were [4]:
(i) Not less than four [5] institutions, one in the North, one in the
East, one in the South and one in the West will be necessary
to meet post-war requirements.
(ii) The one in the East should be set up in or near Calcutta at an
early date.
(iii)Establishment of the Western Institution which should be in or
near Bombay should be taken in hand concurrently with the
Eastern Institution or failing that as soon as possible.
(iv) To satisfy the immediate needs for engineers generally and for
those with specialised training in Hydraulics in particular,
the engineering nucleus of the Northern Institution should be
set up without delay.
(v) To ensure the planning of buildings, equipment and courses of
study, the Principal and Heads of the Main Departments of
these institutions should be appointed and the services of an
architect with experience in the planning of technical
institution secured at a sufficiently early stage."
These interim recommendations were never finalised. In a momentous
session where two other historic decisions were taken, the All India
Council of Technical Education (AICTE) decided to accept and operate
on the interim report. The other two decisions concerned: (i) the
establishment of research institutions - to become later the Council
of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) and (ii) institution of a
number of scholarships for training of scientists and engineers -
extending, for the first time, official patronage for scholarly
pursuits abroad. The driving force behind these three schemes was Sir
Ardeshir Dalal, Member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, and a man
of extraordinary personality whose dynamism and exuberant enthusiasm
was contagious. Those were the days when the country was in a hurry
to respond to post-war needs; and an interim report, in spite of one
note of dissent; was considered good enough to launch new
institutions, and more important, a new experiment.
Considering that the country was still under British rule, it is
interesting to note that the inspiration for the new Institution was
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and not one of
established British institutions, say the Imperial College of Science
and Technology. Apparently, the impending departure of the British was
already casting its shadow.
On the issue of postgraduate education, the Sarkar Committee was
ambivalent - there was some loud thinking whether it would not be
better to leave postgraduate studies to established universities whose
intellectual resources were superior. Yet, the report recommended
that 1000 places be allocated for postgraduate students as against
2000 for undergraduates.
As per initial estimates IIT Kharagpur was expected to cost [6]
$1.5 million with land costing $40 thousand only. The recurring
expenditure was estimated at $340 thousand including $75 thousand
for interest on capital outlay. Against this expenditure, an income
of $65 thousand was anticipated, about half from the student fees and
the hostel rent. Interestingly enough, an income of $20 thousand was
estimated from the workshops. The concept of consultancy projects or
of sponsored research was unknown at that time, but it was envisaged
that the workshop could be used to fabricate new designs. The
expenditure per undergraduate student per year was estimated at $90
in IITs, compared to $85 in U.K. and $200 per year in U.S.A. The
present figures are: IIT's, $2500, $12,000 in U.K. and $20,000 in
U.S.A. The figure for a typical engineering institution in India is
around $700.
Table I: Comparative Costs IIT Kharagpur (1951) and Proposed IIT Assam (1988)
(in million US $)
______________________________________________________________________
Item I.I.T. Kharagpur (1951) I.I.T. Assam (1988)
______________________________________________________________________
Capital cost 1.50 200.00
Land cost 0.04 25.00
Recurring cost 0.34 9.00
______________________________________________________________________
Recently, a proposal has been made to start another IIT in Assam.
The comparative costs of establishing IIT Kharagpur and the new IIT in
Assam [6,7] are given in Table I and make an interesting reading.
3. Academic Innovations in the IITs
In 1946, when the Sarkar Committee Report was submitted, India had
11 affiliated Colleges/Departments, and four independent institutions
offering undergraduate programmes in Engineering and Technology. The
first college was set up in 1794 at Guindy, four colleges during the
19th century, and the remaining during early 20th century. Amongst
these, only six institutions offered limited opportunities for
postgraduate education and research. Most students desirous of higher
education went abroad to Europe, primarily to U.K., and the U.S.A.
A critical appraisal of the status of technical education in India
by several members of the Sarkar Committee and others had drawn
attention to the narrow purpose of prevalent engineering education in
India, and had identified following deficiencies [4]:
(i) The purpose of engineering college programs was limited to
supplying recruits to government departments responsible for
the maintenance of civil works located in the provinces.
(ii) The first degree course in the colleges did not integrate
mathematics, science and humanities with the specialized
professional subjects.
(iii)The lecture method was used as the major instructional
technique;
(iv) Students were evaluated in their courses by an external
examination annually without consideration given for work
completed throughout the year of study; and
(v) Engineering colleges were regulated by the rules and
ordinances of the universities to which they were affiliated
or of the government department to which they were
responsible.
In this background, the Sarkar Committee recommended that not less
than four higher technical institutions modeled after MIT be
established in different regions with following major features [3]:
(i) A four year undergraduate curriculum, the first two years of
which would be common to all branches of engineering and
include study in science, mathematics, humanities, and social
sciences.
(ii) A reduction in the number of formal lectures typically
required and greater emphasis on seminars, tutorials, and
guided studies.
(iii)An examination system that would take account, internally, of
work done by students throughout a term of study.
(iv) Flexibility in assignment of staff responsibilities to allow
staff time for study and research and consultancy work in
industry; and
(v) Technical scheme for workshop training and practical training
in industry.
A technical sub-Committee set up in 1945 to devise a specific plan
for the proposed Institutes, in a memorandum recommended the following
six objectives:
(i) To assist in the development of character, outlook and mental
ability in a student so that he may become a useful citizen.
(ii) To teach him the fundamental principles and theories of
engineering so that an individual student can apply these with
confidence many years later.
(iii)To equip him with tools and inspire in him the desire to
continue, after the end of his formal training, the
independent study of practical processes, technical
principles, administrative organization and advanced theory.
(iv) To give him, during formal training, such knowledge of
practical work as would assist the student in realistic
appreciation of engineering principles as applied in practice.
(v) To teach him sound general method of experimentation and thus
enable him to arrive at prompt and reliable conclusions.
(vi) To develop his ability to write clear and concise technical
papers and the ability to participate in verbal discussion on
technical matters.
An examination of the MIT Bulletin for 1945 reveals similar
statements of purpose, particularly stress on teaching of fundamental
principles and theories in all courses. The sub-committee emphasised
two features of the MIT programme, namely integration of basic
sciences and humanities, and general engineering; and selection of one
subject for intensive study in the final two years. However, the sub-
committee made significant modifications to the substance of the MIT
programme to suit the Indian conditions. For example, 300 hours were
proposed for the final year thesis whereas at MIT 120 hours were spent
on the thesis. The amount of practical training and the inclusion of
workshop practice (900 hours) at the proposed Institutes were a
significant departure from the MIT design. [8]
The key features of the proposed academic programme were
non-specialized orientation, and "integrated curriculum supported by
instructional processes that would encourage Indian students to think
creatively." The products of these institutions were expected to be
"creative scientist- engineers", technical leaders with "broad human
outlook" and individuals with "creative initiative in future
situations." A strong emphasis on integration of basic sciences and
humanities in engineering education was the most significant feature
of the proposed programmes. The four-year academic programme at IIT
Kharagpur, launched in 1951, was formulated in this framework. The key
elements of the curriculum adopted at Kharagpur were:
(i) A two-year core programme consisting of courses in science,
humanities and technical arts.
(ii) Two-year professional courses in respective engineering
disciplines integrated with the core courses.
(iii)A system of electives and a final year project.
In 1960, the duration of the B.Tech. programme was increased to
five years on the recommendation of the Commission on Secondary
Education. The core programme was then increased to two-and-a half
years with more courses in basic sciences. The curriculum developed at
IIT Kharagpur provided the basis of the curricula adopted subsequently
by the other four IITs with some variations, reflecting the academic
traditions of the nations from whom they receive technical assistance.
Table II shows the total scheduled hours and per cent distribution
amongst sciences, humanities and social sciences, and engineering as
per A.I.C.T.E. norms (model curriculum) and in the five IITs. At IIT
Madras, the emphasis was on workshop and practice and engineering
drawing and special attention was paid to involvement of industries in
the region. IIT Madras also introduced the German laboratory system
in which a laboratory is the basic administrative unit of a
Department, with independent laboratory head, workshop, store etc. At
IIT Kanpur and Delhi, the curriculum developed engineering science
orientation, with special emphasis on self-study at Kanpur. Bombay
adopted and developed the Kharagpur pattern with no special influence
of the Soviet system. The Soviet experts at Bombay contributed
primarily to postgraduate programmes and introduced a specialist
orientation and public defense of M.Tech. and Ph.D. theses.
Table II: Curricular Distribution in Five Year Bachelor's Programs
(AICTE, Kharagpur - 1960-1961, Other IITs - 1966-1967) [8]
______________________________________________________________________________
AICTE Kharagpur Bombay Madras Kanpur Delhi
______________________________________________________________________________
Total scheduled Hours
5760 4969 5392 5530 4454 4928
Per cent of Total Scheduled Hours
Sciences 20.6 24.8 32.3 23.4 33.4 31.5
Humanities 05.0 10.0 05.0 09.4 14.3 09.7
Basic Eng. 32.2 23.4 23.9 25.8 19.4 26.4
Specialised Eng 42.2 41.7 38.9 42.3 33.0 32.3
______________________________________________________________________________
The academic innovations introduced in the IIT system not only took
root in the respective IITs but provided the basis for the model
curriculum adopted at the national level. The key features of these
innovations at the undergraduate level are:
(i) A core programme, consisting of courses in sciences, humanities,
computing and technical arts.
(ii) Engineering science courses to provide a transition from science
to engineering courses, including courses such as life sciences, earth
sciences, environment, entrepreneurship as core electives.
(iii)Professional courses and electives within and outside the
departments, and at postgraduate level.
(iv) Establishment of strong departments of sciences and humanities
with status comparable to engineering departments as opposed to a
service role in traditional engineering institutions.
(v) Change from an annual to a semester system, and introduction of
credit system.
(vi) Change from external to internal evaluation.
(vii)Change from marks to letter grades.
In 1980, a decision was taken to reduce the duration of the
undergraduate programme from five to four years as part of the
national pattern (10+2+3). This was done against the unanimous view of
the IIT Senates [9], and has resulted in the reduction of the core
programme and erosion of science teaching - a key feature of the
integrated curriculum proposed in 40's. Its impact on the curricula
has been profound - generally to its detriment. Besides academic
implications, the decision to change over to four year programme to
fall in line with other engineering institutions in India, is a set
back to the special status and academic autonomy of the IITs. There is
a growing concern that with elitism under attack in the name of
equity, institutions such as IITs may not be able to sustain the
pursuit of excellence.
At the postgraduate level, IITs contribute nearly 60% of the total
number of M.Techs, and 75% of the total number of Ph.Ds produced in
India. Bulk of the teachers in engineering and sciences, R&D staff in
national laboratories, and Science and Technology departments and
programmes are products of IIT system. The postgraduate programme in
IITs is distinguished by its interdisciplinary character, rigorous
academic preparation through course work, a comprehensive examination
and thesis research. A significant recent innovation in the IITs is a
five year integrated M.Tech. programme, which includes work experience
in industry. Through the academic innovations cited above, and the
training of large number of teachers from Engineering Colleges under
the QIP Programme, IITs have made a very significant contribution to
the quality of technical education in India.
As mentioned earlier, IIT graduates, especially undergraduates, enjoy
a high reputation in India and abroad. This reputation has been built
over the last thirty years though outstanding faculty and students,
science - based "MIT-type" engineering curriculum, good
infrastructural facilities and academic environment. However, even
forty years after IITs were conceived we do not have a satisfactory
answer to the question: Is India ready for "MIT-type" institutions?
The expectation that indigenous industry would develop, and provide
challenging opportunities to IIT graduates has not come true. This has
contributed significantly to the brain-drain which we discuss in
Section 7. This has also encouraged IIT graduates to seek career
opportunities in management, administrative services, banks etc. - a
criticism of IIT system.
4. Impact of Foreign Assistance
A significant feature of the IIT system is the technical
assistance, in the initial phase of development of the four Institutes
(except Kharagpur), by four different nations. IIT Kharagpur did not
receive financial assistance from any one particular country, but
received assistance under TCM Equipment Fund, Colombo Plan and
Indo-USSR Credit. In 1961, when the IITs Act was introduced, both
Houses of Parliament were informed that "assistance of different
nations to four IITs would help to produce alternative patterns in
order to develop different methods of training high level technical
Table III: Foreign Technical Assistance Received by IITs up to Jan 1979 [12]
______________________________________________________________________________
Institute Equipment Guest faculty Indian faculty Indian Investment
(Year) $, million from abroad trained abroad Eq. $, million
No. Manmonths No. Manmonths
______________________________________________________________________________
Delhi(1961) 3.11 214 1114 175 2038 4.50
Kanpur(1960) 1.95 120 2226 49 500 6.72
Madras(1959) 5.23 075 2254 123 1300 7.00
Bombay(1958) 1.15 136 2352 27 810 4.53
Kharagpur(1950) 0.53 --- 220 --- 560 6.28
Grand Total 11.87 --- 8166 --- 5208 29.03
______________________________________________________________________________
personnel" [10]. The Parliament was also informed that each Institute
was expected to reflect the needs of the region in which it was
located and "bear the imprint of the technical training of the nation
providing assistance" [11]. The package of foreign assistance included
funds for equipment, guest faculty from respective donor countries,
and fellowship to Institute faculty (in some cases technicians also)
for advanced research and training. Table III shows the scope and
financial grants received by the five IITs up to January 1979 under
the Technical Assistance Programmes and the funds made available for
capital expenditure by the Government of India to each IIT.The foreign
assistance programmes contributed to the development of IITs in
following respects:
(i) Teaching by guest faculty; assistance and guidance in curriculum
development and other infrastructure; innovations in the examination
system, methods of instruction and, to some extent, in administrative
and organisational set up.
(ii) Supply of modern equipment.
(iii)Up-gradation of the quality of teachers and technicians through
advanced training and research in respective donor countries.
The role of guest faculty in the introduction and implementation of
the academic innovations was very critical. Their experience and
personal involvement made it possible to introduce many major changes
and innovations. The opportunity made available to the Institute
faculty for advanced training in donor countries gave them first-hand
opportunity to study their systems and contribute towards sustenance
of the innovations on their return. The contribution of the donor
countries towards the procurement of equipment was substantial, and
made it possible to have state-of-the-art laboratories.
A comprehensive review of the foreign technical assistance received
by the IITs and other academic institutions was carried out by a
Committee set up by the Ministry of Education, Government of India, in
1980 [12]. Extracts from the findings and recommendations of the
Committee are reproduced below:
(i) Foreign technical assistance has had a significant impact on the
IITs and, in turn, on the technical education system in the country.
It has helped the IITs to develop expertise of international standard
and to build up competent R&D infrastructure in a wide variety of
scientific and technological fields.
(ii) The IITs should interact with their counterparts in advanced
countries on a continuing basis to reduce the temporal phase-lag in
developing emerging areas which are relevant to national needs; and
(iii)No foreign technical assistance programme should be such that it
should perpetuate our dependence in the area concerned on foreign
expertise and support. Foreign technical assistance/collaboration/aid
programmes should not be aimed at replacing existing indigenous
endeavours, they should be directed to strengthening and upgrading
them;
(iv) Proposals for foreign technical assistance/collaboration/aid
received from IITs and other academic institutions should not be
considered in isolation. They should be considered on the basis of
overall national perspective and in relation to what is happening in
other departments.
The Committee concluded that IITs have reached a stage of
development where they are in a position to assist other technical
institutions in the country. Concrete steps should be taken to promote
the flow of such assistance from IITs to Engineering Colleges etc.
The experience of IITs in receiving financial assistance from
several nations suggests that prior experience and exposure to India
of the guest faculty and administering institutions in donor countries
contributed a great deal towards the success of the assistance
programme. For example, the prior experience of US guest faculty and
institutions with programmes in Roorkee, Guindy and Kharagpur
contributed a great deal to the success of the programme at Kanpur.
Similarly, the prior experience of the German Professors at IIT
Kharagpur contributed to the success of the programme at IIT Madras.
By contrast, Soviet experts at Bombay did not have any prior exposure
to India, and were handicapped in this respect.
The problem of spares for the equipment supplied under the
technical assistance by various countries needed special attention.
The system developed at IIT Madras in this regard appears to be the
most effective. The initial technical assistance programmes in the
four IITs ended in 70's. However, collaborative programmes, in project
mode, have continued at IIT Delhi and Madras. The initial
collaboration with several foremost institutions in donor countries
has formed the basis of a continuing relationship at the international
level for the faculty in all the IITs.
In retrospect it is clear that foreign assistance was critical for
the success of the major new institutes and reforms initiated and
developed in the IIT system, and later adopted by a large number of
technical institutions in India. However, the initial expectations
that through assistance from different nations alternative models may
develop did not come true. While some distinctive features reflecting
the traditions of donor nations were adopted in the initial stage,
eventually all IITs have settled to an engineering science
orientation. This may be attributed to initial commitment to "MIT
type" institutions, preponderance of U.S. trained faculty in IITs; and
perhaps a worldwide trend. It is reflected in Table IV (which may be
compared with Table II) which shows the total scheduled hours and
percent distribution amongst, sciences, humanities and social
sciences, and engineering in the five IITs in the present four year
programmes.
Table IV: Curricular Distribution in Four Year Bachelor's Programs (1990)
______________________________________________________________________________
Kharagpur Bombay Madras Kanpur Delhi
______________________________________________________________________________
Total Scheduled Hours
4200 3360 3816 ---- 3314
Per cent of Total Scheduled Hours
Sciences 18.7 15.0 17.1 26.5 13.5
Humanities 6.6 7.0 5.0 9.2 8.0
Basic Engg. 23.2 14.0 21.1 22.8 21.4
Specialised Engg. 51.5 64.0 56.8 41.5 57.1
______________________________________________________________________________
5. Organisational Structure
The Board of Governors, hereafter referred to as the Board, is
responsible for the general superintendence, direction and control
of the affairs of each IIT. It consists of [13]:
(a) The Chairman, to be nominated by the Visitor.
(b) The Director, ex officio.
(c) One person to be nominated by the Government of each of the
States comprising the zone in which the Institute is situated,
from among persons who in the opinion of that Government are
technologists or industrialists of repute.
(d) Four persons having special knowledge or practical experience
in respect of education, engineering or science to be
nominated by the Council.
(e) Two professors of the Institute, to be nominated by the
Senate.
An unusual feature (for India) of this arrangement is that the
Chief Executive (Director) is NOT the Chairperson of the managing body
as in the universities. On the face of it, it would appear that this
will circumscribe the freedom of the Chief Executive. Interestingly
enough, this is not so. In India, trade unions are so powerful and so
much pampered politically, that even educational institutions and
hospitals too, are legally placed on par with industry. This creates
perennial personnel problems. In universities, where the
Vice-chancellor is also the Chairman of the Executive Committee, it is
not uncommon for labour (this includes teachers too) make
irresponsible demands and insist on immediate answers, if not
compliance. In the IITs, the Director has breathing space because
final decision rests elsewhere, and with a body whose members who are
infrequent visitors to the institute. Time and again this has provided
an opportunity for tempers to cool down, and for decisions to be made
in a more reasonable atmosphere. As no authoritative political
personality or government official is on the Board, even the Board
acts as a buffer between government and excited labour.
Another significant feature of the composition of the Board is
that, unlike in Universities, it does not have members of the
political parties and bureaucrats representing the Government. In the
absence of power brokers within the Board, discussions can take place,
and do take place, in an objective manner. So, decisions are, by the
large, more rational than what they would have been in the presence of
politicians and bureaucrats wearing two hats simultaneously. Yet, the
government still holds the whip hand - it controls the finances and
does so pretty tightly indeed. Also, the absence of government
officials places an onus on the members of the Board to decide as
responsibly and as objectively as possible. Further, in the
university system, an aggrieved person has practically no court of
appeal - the Vice-chancellor who has taken a decision is unlikely to
let the issue be discussed freely in a meeting which he himself, or
she herself chairs. In the IIT system, the Board acts as an effective
channel to get any grievance against the Director discussed, and what
is more important, it is seen to be so. This itself is cause enough to
limit the damage to manageable levels. No doubt this is a major
in-built strength of the IIT System.
The fact that so many of the IIT faculty are seriously engaged in
research is another reason for the stability of the IITs. Precisely
for the same reason, even in Delhi University, the Delhi School of
Economics is an oasis of stability. This happens because, (a) those
who are busy with research have little time for politicking and (b)
such staff have so much external recognition that they acquire a high
self image - they do not need non-academic platforms to make their
presence felt. IIT Delhi, for that matter all IITs, never close - they
are open twenty four hours of the day. Even at two in wintry
mornings, dozens of bicycles in the foyer remain mute witnesses to the
fervour with which somebody or other remains at work. So, it was
fortunate that in spite of some hesitation, the Sarkar Committee did
allocate a high place for postgraduate education in the IITs.
The fact that IITs have essentially a village atmosphere also helps
- it is not impossible for the senior administrators, and for even the
Director, to know most of the staff personally. As a result, decisions
are taken in a human rather than a bureaucratic manner.
Most of the faculty being engineers is another helpful factor.
Engineers appreciate the need for discipline and authority. What is
more, they know from their own work that there are no ideal solutions.
Therefore, they do not for ideological or sentimental reasons place
impossible burdens on the administration.
One of administrative innovations in the IIT system is the creation
of the posts of functional Deans, such as, Academic Affairs, Research
and Development, Student Affairs, in contrast to faculty based
Deanships prevalent in Universities. It has helped to promote
inter-disciplinary efforts and effective management through better
coordination. Representation and involvement of students on various
academic and administrative bodies; close interaction between students
and teacher within and outside the class room has led to very
congenial student-faculty relations and almost total absence of
student agitations common in universities.
Finally, whatever complaints the faculty or other staff may have,
they are all proud to be associated with IITs. The way the faculty
strive to maintain the integrity of the Joint Entrance Examination
should be seen to be believed. They are fully aware that the
alternative is far worse.
6. Comparison with Engineering Colleges in India
It has already been explained that while IIT costs are high, they
are very cheap by international standards. Nevertheless, it is
desirable to make cost comparisons with other engineering colleges in
India. Table V gives the currently accepted norms for a typical
engineering college as suggested by the Indian Society for Technical
Education with that adopted for IIT Assam. IIT costs are significantly
higher because they operate a large township and undertake all the
costs of running a full range of municipal services, and also because
they have relatively large commitments for research and industrial
design and development. Hence, an exact comparison is rather
difficult. However, it may be said that the cost of undergraduate
education in the IITs is three/four times more than that in the
smaller engineering colleges in India. Whether it is too high or too
low depends on what is expected of IITs - whether they should be on
par with the local engineering colleges, or compete with the best in
the world. As, by their charter, IITs are expected to be institutions
of excellence, the latter comparison is likely to be more appropriate.
Then, they are not expensive as they are suspected to be.
Table V: A Comparison between ISTE Norms for Engineering Colleges and IIT Assam
_________________________________________________________________________
Item ISTE Norms IIT Assam (Estimated)
__________________________________________________________________________
Academic Buildings (sq.m.) 11,600 77,000
Infrastructure (sq.m.) 3,400 26,500
Residential (sq.m.) 1,600 110,000
Equipment (equivalent $million) 1.7 75
_________________________________________________________________________
Most engineering colleges in India (apart from a few honourable
exceptions) are mere teaching shops of limited quality. They still
thrive because, India follows an extra- ordinary policy of
overmanning. For instance, Indian telephones employ thirty times as
many as the US per telephone in use; to manufacture a ton of steel,
India employs 70 times as many workers as does South Korea. The Salem
Steel Plant in South India is identical to a French plant. The latter
employs 18 engineers, while the Salem Plant has nearly three hundred.
Not only are more engineers employed, they are employed to perform low
level tasks that may as well be done by technicians, or even
non-technical personnel. Whether Indian personnel deployment policy is
wise, or otherwise, is a matter for a debate in socio-economics. The
point to be noted in the present context is that IITs are not meant to
produce such lower level engineers. Therefore, any comparison with
institutions which cater to this peculiar Indian need is
inappropriate.
IITs produce a large majority of Master and doctoral graduates in
the country. Quite a few of these Master level courses may be
described as corrective courses meant to rectify the lacunae in
undergraduate instruction in other colleges. That is why, these
M.Tech. courses are often at the same, or even lower, level than the
undergraduate courses in the IITs. For this reason, they hardly
attract any of the IIT graduates. That is also why IIT graduates find
it necessary to go abroad for postgraduate studies.
In brief, it may be said that IITs have geared their undergraduate
programme to international level of excellence, and the Master level
courses to fill a void in the engineering education within the
country. This correlates with the finding that, of those who migrated
from IIT Madras [14], 90 per cent were undergraduates and only 10 per
cent were postgraduates - obviously, even after obtaining a post-
graduate qualification, these were not considered as good as the
B.Techs. In IIT Bombay [15], as Table VI shows, only one per cent of
B.Techs. completed their Ph.D. in India, while the percentage of those
who got their Ph.Ds abroad was 11.2. Incidentally, 28.7 percent of
them shifted to business management.
Table VI. Comparison of Further Studies Undertaken by B.Tech. and M.Tech. Alumni
(IIT Bombay)
_______________________________________________________________________________
Ph.D Ph.D. Management Higher Eng. No further Others
in India Abroad Studies Studies
Per cent of graduating students
_______________________________________________________________________________
B. Tech 1.0 11.2 28.7 17.6 35.9 5.6
M. Tech 5.13 3.70 4.93 3.29 81.31 1.64
_______________________________________________________________________________
7. Student Costs and Brain Drain
Brain drain of IIT graduates is a matter of national concern.
However, there is considerable misinformation on this issue - the
popular belief being that most IIT graduates go abroad and a few
return. Professor Sukhatme has carried two comprehensive studies on
brain-drain of undergraduate and postgraduate alumni of I.I.T. Bombay
[15,16]. Although these studies are based on I.I.T. Bombay data, it is
reasonable to assume that they are representative of all IITs. The
results of Prof. Sukhatme's analysis are shown in Table VII.
The findings in IIT Madras [14] were similar. However, the
percentage of those going abroad increased significantly between
1968-1972 period and 1983-1987, from 20 per cent to 35 per cent. The
discipline-wise migration (Table VIII) for all graduates, since
inception, makes interesting reading. Computer Science which currently
attracts the brightest students has a migration rate of 58.5 per cent.
As this course has started only recently, and only two batches had
passed out at the time of study, this large efflux has not had a major
impact on the over-all statistics of migration. Next comes Chemical
Table VII: Brain drain of I.I.T. Bombay Graduates [13]
________________________________________________________________
Percentage of graduating students
Degree Go abroad Go abroad & return Brain-drain
________________________________________________________________
B.Tech. 37.51 6.71 30.8
M.Tech. 16.65 3.25 13.4
Ph.D. 14.23 4.43 9.8
________________________________________________________________
Table VIII. Discipline-wise Migration from IIT Madras [14]
Note: The percentages given are based on 526 responses
received for a questionnaire sent out to 2750 alumni.
_______________________________________________________________
Discipline % graduates %abroad %migration
_______________________________________________________________
Aerospace 07.2 05.1 18.4
Chemical 14.0 24.0 44.6
Civil 14.0 10.1 18.8
Computer Science 00.8 01.8 58.5
Electrical 24.9 18.4 19.2
Mechanical 25.8 30.0 30.2
Metallurgy 11.4 10.6 24.2
Naval Architecture 02.7 00.0 00.0
_______________________________________________________________
which is NOT a high choice these days. Presumably in this case,
insufficiently attractive job opportunities in India is the driving
force. Nobody has migrated from Naval Architecture - apparently nobody
wants them. Contrary to popular belief a large number of I.I.T.
graduates do remain in India, and of those who go abroad for higher
studies and work experience, about 20 per cent return.
At present, the cost per student in an IIT is estimated to be
around $2500. As the fees in private universities in the US are
currently around $20,000 per annum, IIT costs are eight times less -
compared to a ratio of 2:1 forty years ago. So, by international
standards, IITs are cheap and NOT expensive. Unfortunately, this cost
advantage is a significant cause of brain drain from IITs.
In economic theory, there is an interesting explanation for brain
drain phenomenon. According to the Law of Comparative Advantage
propounded by David Ricardo nearly 200 years ago, every country will
export what it can produce cheaply and import what it can make only
expensively. This law may be explained by taking an example of the
trade between US and India with IIT engineers being exchanged for,
say, Personal Computers. It costs around $10,000 to produce an IIT
engineer - about thrice the cost of a PC. In the US, an engineer is
likely to cost a $100,000 to train, while a PC can be had for merely
a $1000. Then, suppose India exports one IIT engineer in return for,
say, 15 PCs. These 15 PCs would have cost India $45,000 to be made
locally, whereas the one IIT engineer that was lost through export
cost the country $10,000 only. As such, this is an excellent bargain.
The US too benefits by this trade. The 15 PCs is sold cost barely $
15,000, by the IIT engineer it obtained in return was worth a $
100,000. In this manner, the Comparative Advantage helps both
countries - in purely financial terms!
It is quite impractical to repeal the Law of Comparative Advantage;
any attempt to do so, will only lead to smuggling. No doubt it is a
pity that so many bright engineers are leaving the country, but the
root cause does not lie either with the educational system or with the
students; the basic problem lies with the kind of economic pricing
adopted by India. So long as human beings are valued low and machines
are valued high, people will be exported in return for machines.
The value accorded to human talent need not necessarily be in
monetary terms - persons may be compensated for loss of financial
benefits through greater security, prestige, attractive work
environment and autonomy. India does provide a high degree of
employment and career security, but in other respects, what it offers
scientists (particularly engineers) is, unfortunately, unsatisfactory.
For various reasons, positions of prestige in India have been
cornered by economists and to a lesser extent by scientists; engineers
have next to no say in affairs of state. For instance, in the past
two-three decades, no engineer has been a member of the Planning
Commission - although engineers are responsible for 80 per cent of
Plan expenditure. In industry too, the climb to the top is through
sales, finance and marketing and NOT through any engineering ladder.
In the Ministry of Power, most of the top positions are held by much
younger officers from the Indian Administrative Service; few engineers
are there above the middle management level. So, prestige-wise, India
is no place for an engineer.
As for the work environment, in industry, the culture is to buy
turnkey know-how and therefore, there is no culture of industrial
development worth the name in the country. For instance, Bajaj is the
second largest scooter manufacturer in the world; yet, not one
technological innovation worthy of note has come out of that company.
Instead, the company still sells the same machine it made 17 years
ago. In such a culture, there can be little or no market for high
quality engineers.
In the public sector (which employs as much as eighty per cent of
all post-high school qualified persons in the country) promotions are
by seniority, but with special preference for backward castes. As most
IIT engineers are from forward castes, they rightly feel unwanted.
Probably, that is also the reason why there is so little political
concern in the country about brain drain - the more the IIT engineers
leave, the more the opportunities left behind for the less competent
who are, however, politically powerful. So, neither in industry nor in
the government is there an attractive environment.
In fact, an IIT engineer does not feel wanted in India, the way
American universities make them feel wanted. Every IIT student who
goes abroad is selected by someone who has never seen him. Yet, it is
quite common for an American professor to keep in constant touch with
the brighter applicants, accept reverse charges for international
calls, and constantly demonstrate an eagerness to have him. In
contrast, in India, the treatment can only be described an callous. As
a matter of fact, when the Centre for Applied Research in Electronics
was first established in IIT Delhi, a concerted effort was made to
attract the very best among IIT graduates, by giving them some modest
privileges. As a result, many bright students including several gold
medallists joined the Centre. But soon, IIT Delhi itself withdrew most
of these privileges (even such trivial ones as an internal telephone)
with the result their inflow has now totally stopped. A similar
facility introduced in IIT Madras to encourage bright young faculty to
join the Institute was not availed of by any department - the only one
who joined did so of his own accord and not because of any effort made
by the faculty. Apparently, socialistic pressures in India are so high
that, even in IITs, no distinction can be made between the sheep and
the goats!
About five years ago, the Centre for Development for Telematics
excited a number of youngsters by adopting a work culture of the type
common in the US. As a result, a large number of youngsters who would
otherwise have migrated stayed back in the country. Unfortunately,
their work fell foul of the import lobby and certain vested interests
and the programme was tarred with a very black brush and severely
constrained. As a consequence, most youngsters have left C- DoT and
the country -this time to migrate mostly to Australia. Recently, the
government has announced that it will reserve over 50 per cent of the
jobs in the government to backward castes. According to the present
Director, IIT Madras, many who have planned to return to the country
are now having second thoughts.
8. Reservation for SC/ST Students in IITs
Since its inception, admission to IIT-system is based exclusively
on merit determined through JEE. However, since 1973, 15% seats for
scheduled castes (SC) and 7.5% seats for Scheduled Tribe (ST) have
been reserved in the IITs. Separate merit list is prepared for
students in these categories and those whose performance is above a
threshold (two-thirds of the marks of the last student admitted in the
general category) are admitted to IITs. As this includes the
admissions for Banaras Hindu University also, the marks obtained can
be appreciably less than two-thirds of the lowest student admitted to
an IIT. It is not unusual for the standards to be lowered even
further. In one year, the lowest marks level admitted to the
Mechanical Engineering course in IIT Madras was 62 per cent; that for
the reserved category 18 per cent. Such large divergence in entry
performance has brought into the IIT system a significant number of
academically deficient students who have considerable difficulty in
coping up with the system in spite of remedial measures. This has led
to many problems in the IIT system. Firstly, nearly 50 per cent of
reserved seats remain vacant as SC/ST students are unable to secure
minimum threshold marks. Of those admitted,almost 25 per cent are
asked to leave the Institutes due to poor academic performance - thus
loosing their self esteem. With the political clout of SC/ST,
reservation and attendant problems have brought political interference
in the functioning of IITs. As the Director's Report at the 1983
Convocation of IIT Madras says: [17].
"They (Members of the Parliamentary Committee on Scheduled
Castes) are concerned that most SC/ST students are unable to
cope with their studies in the IITs and some feel that our
standards are too high. Some members of the Committee have
gone so far as to say that what we need is an Indian standard
and not an international standard of instruction. . . .whether
we need or need not be aware of the latest developments in
Technology, it is necessary to debate the fundamental question
whether, just because a group of people cannot cope with a
certain level of education, they should have the veto power to
deny such an education to the rest; whether social justice
should imply that there shall be no institution at all in the
country where merit shall be the criterion and also while the
socially-deprived should have special privileges, the talented
need have no rights of their own.
These are debatable issues about which much may be said on
both sides. Unfortunately, a stand has been taken that these
should not be debated in public - a typical instance of the
conflict between the freedom of the intellectual and the
authority of the commissar.
A University needs to have three basic freedoms; freedom to
decide what to teach, whom to teach and who will teach. It is
the corrosion of these freedoms we are witnessing today.
Unfortunately, a university, like a flower, is helpless; can
be easily destroyed and depends entirely on goodwill for its
survival. Not so long ago, the Universities of Allahabad and
Calcutta were the most prestigious in our country and honoured
all over the world as IITs are today. Looking at what has
happened to them, we cannot but be concerned about our own
future.
More than the attack on the IIT system, the manner in which it
was done is the matter of concern. The Directors of all the
IITs were bullied, insulted and abused in unprintable language
by some members of the Parliamentary Committee on Scheduled
Castes. Even in the heyday of British Imperialism, I doubt
whether such things ever happened. Perhaps one should not take
this too seriously; for it could be an act of momentary
aberration. The really worrying part is that I have not been
able to get any intellectual to stand up and be counted to say
that such things should not happen. It is the total
emasculation of the intellectual and professional that is the
real cause for worry."
The pressure for caste based reservation has recently been
aggravated and there are proposals to extend reservation for Other
Backward Classes also. The prospect of the number selected on the
basis of merit being reduced to less than 50 per cent, is casting
ominous shadows on the IIT system.
As a matter of interest, the Sarkar Committee gave serious
consideration to the possibility of providing reservation to Scheduled
Castes and Tribes. However, it did not make any recommendation either
way and left it for future discussion. As the final report was never
prepared, the matter could not be finalised. Evidently, those who
planned the IITs, considered it neither necessary nor desirable to
reserve any places on a caste basis. If IITs had not been established
in the 1950s and could only be started under the present political
environment, almost definitely, we would never have had institutions
with this order of excellence.
9. Problems, Concerns and the Future
IITs were set up as institutions with a special status and a
preeminent role in the development of technical education in India.
They were given special academic and administrative autonomy to enable
them to function in accordance with the academic perspectives of the
faculty and the academic and industry leaders on their Boards. As
mentioned earlier, a conspicuous feature of the organisational set up
of the IITs is the absence of Government officials and politicians on
the decision-making bodies. The President of India as the Visitor, and
the personal interest taken by Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, in
the establishment of IITs reflected a strong commitment of "political
will" in the setting up of these institutions. It is a matter of
record that up to the end of 60's, IITs functioned with full autonomy
and received generous financial and other support. In the 70's and 80's,
however, IITs have faced problems which have affected their
functioning in a significant way. The sources of problems are both
external and internal to the IIT system. The external problems stem
from social pressures, slackening of political will and erosion of
special status of the IITs. These are reflected in the following
developments:
(a) Absorption of a large number of construction workers in the
IITs on the completion of the construction phase. These staff members
did not possess relevant skills; neither could they identify
themselves with the goals and aspirations of the Institute. The
agitation that preceded their regularisation, through Government
intervention, led to the setting up of strong employees unions in the
IITs. Absence of a Statutory/Legal framework to deal with the unions
remains a serious administrative lacuna in the functioning of IITs.
(b) Through reservation for SC/ST students IITs have been called
upon to play a direct role in the administration of social justice.
In the face of the problems discussed in Section 8, and the original
charter of the IIT system to contribute to national development
through excellence in science and technology, a legitimate question
arises whether IITs are being extended too far, and whether IITs will
be able to sustain their quest for excellence?
(c) The forcible introduction of 13 Indian languages in the conduct
of JEE beginning in 1990 has been another matter of academic concern.
More than 80,000 students presently appear in JEE, which is rated
among the most respected examinations in the world. The decision to
introduce Indian languages, over- ruling the concerns of IITs,
reflects the slackening of "political-will" regarding the special
status of IITs. Besides concerns for the quality of the examination,
induction of students with inadequate background in English - the
medium of instruction - has its implications for the quality of the
programme.
(d) The reduction in the duration of the B.Tech. programme from
five years to four years, and of the M.Tech. programme from four to
three semesters, was introduced in the IITs as part of the overall
national policy. Both these decisions reflect an erosion of the
initial premise that IITs are special institutions. This fact is
further reinforced by the fact that during the Third Pay Commission,
faculty in IITs was brought at par with faculty in universities. After
an unfortunate agitation by the teachers - unprecedented in the
history of IITs - the special status has now been partly restored to
IIT teachers.
IIT system faces many problems which are internal. These include: a
large number of retirements during the next decade and the
difficulties being faced in attracting outstanding faculty; the
problem of inbreeding; the problem of brain- drain, which has been
discussed in detail earlier; the quality and lack of motivation of
postgraduate students, a perceptible decline in the enthusiasm and
commitment of support staff.
A comprehensive review of IIT system was completed in 1986 [2]. The
Review Committee recommendations covered goals and objectives,
academic programmes and management. Some important comments made by
the Committee on the future development of the IIT system are:
(i) Autonomy and restoration of special status. Both are
inextricably linked with financial independence. At present,
IITs depend on Government of India for most of the funding and
are, therefore, susceptible to government control and
interference. IITs should take innovative steps to mobilise
resources from industry, user organisations and increased fee.
A suggestion that government may create a one- time corpus to
meet the present level of funding through interest and leave
IITs to raise resources for future growth needs close
examination.
(ii) The present level of interaction with industry is inadequate.
It is partly connected with the state of Indian industry.
However, new initiatives and mechanisms, such as consortium
approach, are needed to bring about a quantum jump in the
level of interaction. Proposed Foundation for Innovation and
Technology Transfer (FITT) at IIT Delhi is a step in this
direction.
(iii)A large number of faculty and staff are due to retire in the
next decade. This is both an opportunity and a concern. It
provides a time-window to induct faculty and staff suited for
the expectations from the IIT system.
(iv) A more effective role in the development of technical
education system in India through networking, curriculum
development, text-book writing and developments in educational
technology.
10. Conclusions
IIT system represents a major initiative to raise higher technical
education in India to a high plane. The special status, the political
will, the foreign assistance and the innovations in organisational
structure were crucial for the success of the IIT system. The signs of
erosion of special status and slackening of political-will are
disturbing portents. In retrospect it is clear that the decision to
set up new institutions, rather than upgrade existing institutions,
was wise. The scope and range of innovations that IIT system has
spawned could not have been accomplished in the existing institutions.
As to the question whether it was wise to adopt the "MIT model", the
answer is not so obvious. Brain-drain may be partly attributed to this
decision. However, the world-wide reputation of IIT graduates suggests
that it was a wise decision. IIT graduates, and faculty, have made
significant contributions to national effort in areas such as: space,
atomic energy, telecommunications and defense R&D. Had the Indian
industry developed on indigenous R&D base, IIT graduates would have
formed the core of creative scientist-engineers required for such an
effort. They will do so in future, provided the goals of excellence
are preserved and supported. The IIT experience is valuable both for
the success and the failure of the reforms and innovations introduced
through it.
With some justification it can be said that IIT graduates are the
only high-tech products in which India is internationally competitive.
It is a matter of perception whether this is good or bad. For the
critics, this is proof that the IITs are not matched to the needs of a
poor country like India, that their graduates are of little use for an
economy geared to a know-how culture and not to the know-why culture.
On the other hand, Pandit Nehru used to say that we should not plan as
if we will be poor forever. That is the main reason he encouraged
IITs. It is told [18] that when former Prime Minister Mr. Morarji Desai
was shown round our facilities for Space launching, he sadly mumbled
to himself "where are they, where are we?". That is regrettably true
of all of our top institutions, including to a certain extent even
IITs. In contrast to this feeling, there are others occupying
positions of power who feel that education should be pegged down to
the level of the weakest sections of society. This is a debate which
is likely to remain ever inconclusive, and not merely in India. For
instance:
"The nation (United States) that dramatically and
boldly led the world into the age of technology is
failing to provide its own children with the
intellectual tools for the 21st century. . . We
must not provide our children a 1960s education for
a 21st century world." [19]
It all depends - whether we want education for tomorrow or for today!
__________________________
End Notes
1. Christiansen, Donald, Engineering Excellence: Cultural and
Organisational Factors, New York, IEEE Press, 1987.
2. Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, IIT
Review Committee, 1986.
3. See for example, Science Update, June, 1969, page 6: Of the nine
science academicians at American Universities who won the
National Science Foundation Awards for the Year 1989, seven
were alumni of IITs. This year there are eleven.
4. Central Bureau of Education, India, Development of Higher
Technical Education in India, (Interim Report of Sarkar
Committee), February, 1946.
5. IIT Delhi which was initially (1961) set up as College of
Engineering and Technology, was included in the IIT system in
1963 through an amendment of the IIT Act (1961).
6. At the present conversion rate: $1 = Rs. 20.
7. Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India,
Report on I.I.T. Assam.
8. Kim Patrick Sebaly, The Assistance of Four Nations in the
Establishment of the Indian Institutes of Technology,
1945-1970 (University of Michigan, Comparative Education
Dissertation Series, No. 24, 1972).
9. The way the IIT Directors and the Senates were overruled in this
instance (where the issues were purely academic) will make an
interesting case study. Initially, the IITs were not unanimous
in their opposition to the curtailment of the duration of the
under-graduate programme, but by the time matter came up for
final decision, all IITs, the Directors and the Senates were
unanimously opposed to the scheme. Yet, they were overruled by
the Chairman of the Council of the IITs, who incidentally
happens to be the Minister for education at the Centre.
10. See Parliamentary Debates, Rajya Sabha, Official Report, Vol.
XXXVI, 4, 30 November, 1961, Columns 721-722. A similar
expression was made when the fifth higher Institute was
elevated to the status of an IIT in 1963. See Lok Sabha
Debates, Third Series, XIX, 1, August, 1963, Column 222.
11. Memorandum containing the recommendations of the sub- committee
which met on September 11 and 12, 1945, included in the Sarkar
Committee Report3.
12. Ministry of Education and Culture, Government of India,
January, 1980. Report of the Review Committee on Foreign
Technical Assistance Received by the Indian Institutes of
Technology and Other Academic Institutions.
13. The Indian Institutes of Technology Act 1961, and Amendment,
1963.
14. M.S. Ananth, K. Ganesh Babu and R. Natarajan, Data Base For
Brain Drain: Institution Based Study, Madras, IIT Madras,
1989.
15. S.P. Sukhatme and I. Mahadevan, Pilot Study on Magnitude and
Nature of the Brain' Drain of Graduates of the Indian
Institute of Technology, Bombay, IIT Bombay, November, 1987.
16. S.P. Sukhatme, A Study on the Nature of Work and Placement of
Alumni of the Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay, IIT
Bombay, August, 1990.
17. P.V. Indiresan, The Director's Report, 1983 Convocation,
Madras, IIT Madras, 1983.
18. As told by Mr. Y.S. Rajan, formerly of the Department of Space.
19. The National Science Board Commission on Precollege Education
in Mathematics, Science and Technology, Educating Americans
for the 21st Century, Washington, D.C., CPCE-NSF-03, National
Science Foundation, 1983.